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While many such ethnic-minority migrants also speak Turkish, their dialects may Deursch lernen - Zeirschri/r/ur den Sprochunrerrichr mir ouslöndkchen. Kinder Türkisch lernen. Aber: Wo ist sichergestellt, daß sie damit ihr Abitur machen können? Es wurde die Schlußakte von Helsinki zitiert, in der festgelegt ist. Acknowledgements. 2. Introduction. 4. Core competencies for primary school teachers in crisis contexts. Introductory Training Pack At-A-Glance. Modules.
Ekmekci does not list any errors. Aksu- Koc and Slobin We also predict semantic anomalies similar to those noted for monolinguals. These participial clauses lack complementizers equivalent to relative pronouns of Indo-European lan- guages and have gaps in the position of the constitutent that corresponds to the head.
As Slobin notes, these nontransparent structures are acquired late in monolingual child production and are frequently misinterpreted in comprehension experiments. He notes further that monolinguals fre- quently have recourse to more analytic, more canonical paraphrases with the particles hani and ya, which are used in adult Speech to emphasize shared knowledge in discourse. We predict that bilingual children would be even slower than monolinguals to acquire deverbal modifying struc- tures and would make extensive use of alternative paraphrases.
Turkish in contact with German 3. Pronominal vs. Unlike many of the best- described pro-drop languages, such as Italian and Spanish, in which the phenomenon is restricted to subjects, in Turkish the null referent may have vanous grammatical functions: It has been noted in studies of second-language acquisition White ; Phin-.
Similarly, one might predict that in lan- guage-contact Situations, the features of the second language might be transferred to the native language, although, if Hyams is correct and pro-drop is the unmarked Parameter setting, then this effect should be less than transfer in the reverse direction.
In any case, the effect on Turkish would not be ungrammatical utterances, but utterances with 'extra' pronouns which are inappropriate in their discourse context.
In the following sections, we will briefly esamine the Turkish results for the subsampks of the four- to five-year-olds from the KITA study and the eight- to nine-year-olds from the EKMAUS study to See if there is evidence of language loss in these nominal-reference features. Language rnixing With regard to mixing lexical elements from one language into discourse in the other language,' we find over all that mixing is very rare in our recordings but that there are both quantitative and qualitative differences associated with language dorninance and the extent of contact with Germans.
The development of language mixing in the KITA children is clearly increasingly in the direction of the prevailin? The tendency is toward a variety of Turkish which incorporates loan elements from German, but toward a variety of German free of Turkish lexical items: If we look more closely at the extent to which these loan elements are I integrated morphosyntactically into the receiving language, shown in.
Sumrnarized frorn PfaRet al. Turkish in contact with German 1 I 1 German nouns with Turkish case inflections as in 1 and 2 , a type of usage not found'in the speech of the German-dominant TD 2. Schneemann bu [pointing at picture]. The two active bilinguals typically use Gennan adjectival or nominal elements including infinitive verbs plus a neutral Turkish verb yapmak 'make, do', etmek 'make, do', or olmak 'be' which carries the tense and Person inflection as in 3 and 4.
Table 7 presents an overview of mixing found in the interviews in Turkish and in German of the three bilingual children here See Pfaff a and a for a more detailed analysis of a larger EKMAUS subsample.
In this context of child-adult structured interactions, the overall fre- quency of mixing is very low and, as was the case with the KITA children, more frequently involves incorporation of German elements into Turkish than Turkish into German. Comparing the Pattern of mixing German into Turkish for the three EKMAUS children, we note that not only the frequency but also the syntactic categories involved in mixing are related to amount of contact with Germans at school or at after-school day-care Centers.
Mixing by the girl from group A with little contact with German peers is limited ' to the syntactic categories noun and interjection, as in 5 and 6: Pfafl Tablc While the children in their study mix a wide variety of Dutch elements into their Turkish, as do our group B and some C children, the Pattern shown by our group A children is character- istic of first-generation adults in the Netherlands. This finding reflects the extent to which sorne Turkish children in Berlin are isolated irom intcrac- tion with German Peers.
Case rnarking Turning now from the lexical aspects of language maintenance and attri- tion to the effects of contact on morphosyntax, we first consider case marking in Turkish see Pfaff and Savas for more details.
Quantitative analysis of the expression of case on noun phrases over the first year of the longitudinal KITA project, given in Table 8, shows the frequencies of usage and the percentage nonstandard use for unin- flected nominative a n d nondefinite accusative and inflected nouns.
Note first that the frequencies of both uninflected and inflected nouns is considerably lower for T D 2, the strongly German-dominant child of a mixed marriage, than for the other two children, reflecting her avoidance of Turkish by resorting to German as noted in section 4 above.
For TT 5, who is only slightly German-dominant, the frequency of inflected nouns is lower than for TT 16, the strongly Turkish-dominant girl. The percentage of nonstandard case marking is low for all children, but considerably higher for inflected cases than for uninflected nomi- natives. Errors are limited to peripheral semantic frames rather than representing prototypical case relations See Zimmer and are paral- leled by errors made by Turkish monolingual children, as noted by Ekmekqi , In 10 we find the use of accusative inflection rather than standard unmarked nominative for the subject of a passive verb: Eis, we may have an instance of syntactic transfer from German, which.
This example would then Support the position espoused by Clyne , who suggests that syntactic convergence often goes hand in hand with code switching and loan-word incorporation. Table 9 shows the realizations of case relations for agent; patient, recipient, location, etc.. Table 9. Turkish in corlracr wirh Gernzan I 15 Even for the group B girl, whose overall percentage of nonstandard realizations reaches 15 percent, the types of nonstandard case marking are rather restricted. Case marking is correct in prototypical environments both with and without postpositions, as in 12 - Indiana'nm pembelisi 'the pink dressed Indian' In 16 , where the nurse, one of three identical nurses in this Acrions Set, is the recipient, the dative marking is omitted or replaced by the genitive, a usage which would be appropriate to a compound noun: Again, as for the KITA children, there is no general erosion of the case-marking system or replacement by analytic devices.
Number marking The results for number marking can be summarized very briefly. The system, illustrated in section 3. Table Percentages based on five or fewer instances are parenthesized. As Table 10 shows, only the girl from group B with strong contact with German, who, as noted above, prefers German, has any instances of overmarking of plural in Turkish: Note, however, that only one of these instances, given in 17 , is in a simple NP context.
The other instance occurs in a complex modified NP, 18 , a structure which will be discussed further in section 7. It is likely that the cause of such errors is not simply direct transfer from German but that complexity and processing demands also play a role. Modification Three types of modification were presented in section 3. I; and a syntactic means of embedding sentential modifiers as participial clauses preceding the noun. These structures, or the contexts in which they would be likely to occur, were systematically investigated in the EKMAUS study, where children needed to distinguish among similar but not identical items.
Partial diKerences involving color frequently elicited pembe elbiseli krzilderili 'the pink-dressed Indian' vs. The results are given qualita- tively rather than quantitatively because the number of instances of each context was low and because, particularly for the embedding structure, children often had several false Starts or required prompting: Although we note some uncertainty about the Standard color-term reference for example, 'blue' for 'red' , this is not our concern here.
Table I I. Thus it appears that the derivational structure is one which is affected in the process of language attrition here. The group A girl a t first avoids participial modification, substituting reference to size, a secondary distinguishing characteristic of the two cows, then produces a reference to its stance in Finally, after prompting by the interviewer, she attempts a participial structure in 31 but breaks it off to begin a new sentence with a finite verb.
As was mentioned earlier, the use of anaphoric pronouns is optional, but, as pointed out by Enc , Erguvanli-Taylan , and Slobin and Talay , among others, use vs. When the reference does not switch or when the intended referent is clear from the context, it is more appropriate to omit the pronoun.
To address this issue, we examine first- and second-person reference in the context of pretend dialogs with dolls in the Plajrooms game and third-person reference in the descriptions of events acted out with dolls in the Aciions game.
First- and second-person contexts are illustrated in 32 - 35 , which give the realizations of the Same request for the four EKMAUS children: As shown in Table 12, she typically uses such redundant first- and second-person pronouns, while these independent pronominal forms are never used by the children of the other groups. Repeats interviewer four of the five instances.
Potential contexts for third-person reference occur primarily within linked predications in the individual Actions to be described. Examples 36 - 39 illustrate the realization by each of the EKMAUS children for an event which consists of a sequence of two parallel actions on two identical objects of the same type by different agents Set 3, event 6 subscripts ,? Orhan, geldi o, da 0, ters taraftan itti A S2 1 1 f 9. Zero anaphora is also pragmatically appropriate in this context because the referents were present in the extralinguistic environment.
A more complex example involving contexts for Zero anaphora of both I subject and object is shown in 40 - 43 , which give the realization of a r; complex action involving several predications of the same agent and object set 5, event The figures in Table 13 show that the group B girl is the only one of the four children to produce any pronominal reference for subjects and that her rate of pronominal reference to direct objects is the highest.
At the Same time, she has the lowest rate of pro-dropping. The effect here is rather slight in comparison to the results for first- and second-person reference discussed earlier. This can be attributed to the elicitation context we analyze here the Actions game , which requires the child not to produce connected discourse, but rather to describe each Ta ble Third-person rejerencejor subjects und direci objects in octions seis Other contexts, particularly extended narratives Rehbein, personal communications; Pfaff and Cakarcan show higher fre- quencies of third-person pronominal reference in bilingual's than in mon- olinguals' speech.
Increased use of pronominal anaphora in conjunction with a decline in the rate of pro-dropping can be interpreted as transfer from the non- pro-drop contact language, German. This may indeed be a contnbuting factor but need not be the only source of this phenomenon.
As Givon Communication in the first language by bilingual children who are domi- nant in the second language appears here as another setting for communi- cation using a relatively frail system which can lead to such unnecessary repetition. Conclusions The results of our study document certain aspects of the ongoing pro- cesses of language development in individuals and of the language vari- eties used by migrants from Turkey in Berlin West. Here, as in other cases of language shift and loss, we have Seen that the major determinants of the degree of developmentlattrition of the ethnic-minority language are the social factors which provide the framework ofcontact and interac- tion with native speakers of Turkish and German.
Particulars of the linguistic varieties of Turkish which are emerging here, howeuer, are constrained by the basic typological characteristics of Turkish and the psycholinguistic simplicity o r complexity of the grammatical subsystems under investigation. Thus it is the transparent, regular inflectional mor- phology which proves to be robust and resistant to attntion, while the more complex and opaque areas of derivational morphology and syntax are subject to attrition, characterized by avoidance, morphological substi- tution, placement errors, and syntactic paraphrases.
Thus, we find that not only is the extent of mixing of German elements into Turkish quantitatively greater for children with more contact with Germans but the syntax of mixing differs as well.
Pfiff ' German mix in verb phrases and adpositional phrases a s well and show instances of intersentential code swltching. As for the specific morphosyntactic features of nominal reference we examined in detail, the following generalizations can be made: The inflectional morphology for case and number are essentially intact.
The small amount of nonstandard usage found appears to be restricted to nonprotypical environments in complex and peripherial structures. Derivational morphology, to the extent that it is revealed here, seems to be somewhat weaker. Modifiers with were avoided by the German- dominant child we examined in detail and sometimes misplaced by other younger bilingual children.
The complex syntax required for embedded sentential modification is clearly late in appearing in the second-generation migrant children.
The function of sentential modifica- tion is carried out by other paraphrases, which are frequent in Standard spoken Turkish.
Whether the participial forms will eventually be acquired by these children o r whether the syntax of Turkish will undergo chanee. The pragmatic and stylistic features of the contact varieties of Turkish which may reflect linguistic convergence show up not as grammatical 'errors' but as. Thus, in our analysis of nominal reference in requests and in descriptions of sequences of events acted out with toys. This phenomenon is Open t o two interpretations, which, it should be noted, are not mutually exclusive: Resolution of this question will require further investigation and comparison of more discourse contexts for Turkish monolinguals with bilingual children with various Patterns of language dominance.
As we have seen, the situation of Berlin West provides a very complex sociolinguistic setting for maintenance and attrition of Turkish and other ethnic-minority languages. In particular, the children of migrants from Turkey may be confronted with one o r more of a wide variety of quite different conditions for the acquisition of their two languages. The fact that rnother-tongue instruction in Turkish is not generally available a t the initial pnmary level and Turkish in place of a foreign language is chosen by only a rninority of pupils at the late prirnary and secondary levels rneans that the input in Turkish for all children is largely restricted to informal discourse from adults and other children rather than including rnore formal registers.
Sorne of the effects of these conditions on the lexicon, morphology, and Syntax of Turkish spoken by rnigrant children here have been shown in this paper.
Much rernains for further investigation both on the specifics of Turkish in contact with Gerrnan and on the rnore general problern of linguistic change in contact settings.
Cross-linguistic and cross-cultural cornparisons, as facilitated by international conferences such as the one a t which this paper was originally presented, are essential to the achieve- rnent of the larger goal of understanding the interplay of linguistic and social factors in this highly cornplex field.
Noordwijkerhout, The Netherlands Aug. The work represented in this paper was done by a team of researchers over the years The terms Berlin West and West Berlin which applied at the time discussed are retained in this paper. The recent political events can be expected to have demographic consequences which will aKect the sociolinguistic settings significantly. F o r instance, since the children we studied lived in neighborhoods which were peripheral in West Berlin but which are now in the center of the reunified city.
This preschool setting is nor typical. Pfaff to both languages will not only prove beneficial for the linguistic development of Turkish children. As Sally Boyd noted in her comments during the workshop, a full investigation of this hypothesis would require comparison of the rates and nature of loan-word integration in other contact Situations. Given the wide variety of migrants in G e p a n y and other northwestern European countries, such a study is feasible but clearly beyond the scope of the present paper.
These are not the constructions under discussion in the present paper. In this paper we follow the standard orthographic conventions Tor Turkish. Capital letters are used as Cover terrns Tor vowel and consonant harmony variants as follows: Our studies indicate that. It is thus appropriate to speak of 'discourse in Turkish' and 'discourse in Gerrnan' from the psycholinguistic standpoint of the child as well as from the interac- tional contexts.
A possible exception here is the genitiveipossessive construction. We find a tendency to omit the second inflection. This type of error is also made by a German girl, DD7.
As Ayhan Aksu-KOG personal communication notes, the ornission of such possessive inflections represents more reliance on analytical marking of grammatical relations than in standard Turkish.
It rernains to be seen whether 0 inflection is characteristic of possessives without overt pronouns and. It is of interest to note, however. For discussion see PFaff a: Occasionally, however, the equally redundant possessive pronouns are used, as in Whether this is related to the tendency toward loss of the genitive rnentioned in note 5 is a topic Tor further investigation.
The nonstandard structures in Proceedings of 11e Turkish Linguisrics Conference, August, Bogazici Universitesi Matbaasi. Acquisition of Turkish. Dan I. Slobin ed. Hillsdale, NJ: Kurden in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Ihre soziale und kulturelle Situation. In Kurden: Eigenverlag der Herausgeberin. Henrik, and Verhoevan, Ludo Sprachmischung bei Immigranten der ersten und zweiten Gene- ration. Linguisrische Berichte 98, Sfudies on Modern Turkislt. Proceedings of rhe Third Conference on Turkirh Linguisrics.
Tilburg University Press.
Alle Einzelheiten zu Langenscheidt Grundwortschatz
Erstsprache eines in der Zweitsprache dominanten Kindes. Cakir, Mehmet Yasar, and Meyer. Christian Clyne, Michael Linguistic and sociolinguistic aspects of language contact.
James Bilinguolism und Special Educorion: Multilingual Matters. Acquisition of Turkish: Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of Texas, Austin. The developmental errors in the pre-school Turkish children's speech. Topic switching and pronominal subjects in Turkish. In Srudies in Turkish Lingui. Eser Univer- sity of California Press. Givon, Talmy In Subjecr und Topic, Charles Li ed.
Academic Press. Der riirkisrlre Sprochbou. Levin and Munksgaard. Laura The role of subjecthon-subject distinction in determining the choice of relative clause participle in Turkish. Cambridge, MA: Haward University Press. Hyams, Nina M. Longuage Acquisirion und rhe Theory of Paromerers. Johanson, Lars Kardam, Filiz, Cinar, Safter, Temucin. Migrants from Turkey in West Berlin: May Anne Alphabetisierung in der Muttersprache.
Jaklin Turkish and the Turkic languages. In The World's Major Langu- agues. Bernard Comrie ed. London and Sydney: Croom Helm. Current issues in Turkish Syntax. In Srare of ihe Ar! Early differentiation of languages in bilingual children. In Bilingualism Across rhe Lijppan: Birnkott-Rixius Karin. Kubat, Leyla and Masuch, Sigrid I n zwei Sprachen Lesen lernen - geh! Weinheim and Basel: Kontakt Impressum. Die kostenlose Demoversion!
Ich werde nach Adana fahren, um ihn zu sehen. Das muss ich wissen, sonst kann ich dir nicht helfen. Aorist -se- Pers. Aorist, 2. Stamm -se- Pers. Das Spiel endete unentschieden. Die Versammlung beginnt um 5 Uhr. Ich rechne gar nicht damit. Das hatte ich nicht von Ihnen erwartet. Unfall; auch: Bedienen Sie sich! Bitte treten Sie ein! Es reicht!
Mir reicht es. Klar doch! Sizden bir ricam var. Festtagen "Ich gratuliere Ihnen! Lage, Situation, Zustand so ist die Lage! Wo stammen Sie her? Druck, Zwang; Auflage unter Druck, unter Zwang jmdn. Heute habe ich ihn gar nicht gesehen. Unterrichtswesen; Studium, Ausbildung Grundschulwesen Hochschulwesen.
Gewinn, Profit, Nutzen verdienen an, Kapital schlagen aus Nutzen ziehen aus. Klasse; Schulklasse, Klassenzimmer Klassenunterschied versetzt werden. Feuer, Brand ein Feuer ist ausgebrochen das Feuer ist erloschen.He attends a Regelklasse with predominantly German children, is the only Turkish child in his second grade class, and speaks German at home as well.
As we have seen, the situation of Berlin West provides a very complex sociolinguistic setting for maintenance and attrition of Turkish and other ethnic-minority languages. Turkish in cortract ic. A possible exception here is the genitiveipossessive construction. Levin and Munksgaard.
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